Built Context

The Venetian fear of the “other” or the subordinate goes beyond social practices and is perpetuated by the physical urban context. The urban environment holds the power to control and promote civic order.[i] Widows did not have a single place, a specific building typology or an urban condition strictly for them; rather, widows occupied many urban spaces: some remained in their husband’s home, some returned to their paternal family, others bought their own homes, some moved to convents, entered hospices, and others remarried. Regardless, they were not expected to remain in the public realm. This invisibility is suggestive of the attempt to limit the power and control of widows.

The majority of widows lived in homes, whether their own, their parents' or their husband's. The Status Animarum counted 4,715 widows in Venice during the 1590s. Of the widowed women, more than 60%, approximately 2,886, women, headed their households.[ii] Moreover, 50% of the widows who headed households were single mothers living with their children, consistent with the Venetian values and social expectations for women. The highest honor and most important responsibility was that of a mother.[iii]

While the presence of widows living in their own homes was significant, the ownership of these homes was often unclear. Because of the financially driven fears widows evoked in the male-dominated society, legally, widows could not own or stay in the estates of their husbands once they received their fully dowry repayment. However, if they took an oath before the bishop that they would not remarry, widows were then permitted to live in the home with their children until their children were grown. Once children were of age, their widowed mother was no longer permitted to live on the estate because she was not the legal owner of the home.[iv] The lack of ownership emphasizes the juxtaposition common in Venice of allowing certain freedoms in order to contribute to society with the restriction of economic power and mobility.

In addition to the standard home, widows also lived in locations more formally excluded from the community, such as convents, an option not dedicated specifically to widows. Widows typically moved to convents, not to commit to a life of purity and devotion to God, but rather to avoid temptations and public critique, or to seek safety from fear of physical violence.[v] Convents were also the easiest way for widows to re-create a family-like environment for themselves as well.[vi] Though “excluded,” the women still played vital roles within society. Convents were integral to society, serving both social and religious functions.

Brothels were another option for popolani widows in financial need. Though not socially acceptable or morally supported by the church, brothels provided permanent residences for women who could not support themselves with their dowries and whose families could not or did not want to take them back home. Living in the brothel provided a home and ensured that the widow's basic needs of shelter, clothing, and food were met. The prominence of the brothel exemplifies the contradiction between seclusion and accessibility, power and subversion of a marginalized women.

Hospices were another widespread option for widows, and existed in every sestiere in Venice. Throughout Venice there were 132 hospices, typically for the poor, sick, or pilgrims.[vii] Only seven of the hospices were expressly for widows:[viii]

Ospizio Foscolo

Oapizio Aletti

Ospizio de Tommasi

Ospizio Morosini

Ospizio Morosini o Grimani

Ospizio Anna Villabruna Dei

Ospitaletto della Maddalena

Typically, these hospices were public works that aimed to contribute to society by serving the most vulnerable people who could not help or support themselves.[ix] Hospices were formed and funded in a multitude of ways, including patronage from a church; public support from the government; semi-public support from a non-government organization; by confraternities; or privately by individuals.[x] As indicated by the names of individuals associated with the ospizi themselves, some of the hospices for widows were funded privately by women interested in protecting their inherited wealth and in avoiding paying taxes by donating to charitable work. Or, more commonly, they were established by their families to protect their social status and family name.

One might suggest that the invisibility of widows within the urban fabric coincides with the relative lack of authoritative economic control over widows. The government or Venetian people did not go to great efforts to provide, support or foster a community around widows or widowhood as they did for other marginalized groups or foreigners seen as a threat. By not formally sequestering or publicly and formally recognizing widows, their threat must have been more limited.